When I first had any views at all, I think I was in the second year of my engineering studies, in 2007, and decided I was a right-winger. Of course I understood very little of what that meant at the time, but I had some inkling. Among other things my and my fellow students’ education at the time repeatedly told us that the state was too slow at getting things done, that what was possible (according to engineers) was far ahead of what the people on the ground actually got, and that we had to prize private innovation. And of course that getting rich was a completely innocent and harmless desire. We neither had nor received much social grounding: work was work, and we excelled if we did as we were told, with the only difference between ourselves being how well we did those things.
The situation actually really changed for me when I joined the Asian College of Journalism in 2012, where the political environment was almost entirely the opposite, with leftist and more (in hindsight) progressive ideas doing the rounds. But more than the school itself, I made a friend there who put me in touch with Thomas and the local writers’ group he’d co-founded, Them Pretentious Basterds. They were a wonderful lot. More than persuade me to change my political beliefs, I credit them with teaching me to think intelligently about political issues. As with ACJ, they were also ideologically closely aligned but all of them were fervent debaters, too, on matters both trivial and significant. Since then, I think I haven’t associated myself with any one particular ideology. If you really pushed me, though, I’d probably say I’m a social democrat.
In case it matters, here are my positions in full:
1. Economically, I’m left of centre. I don’t trust markets more than the state. I wish to curb corporate power, tax the richest most, strengthen labour protections, and protect local industry. I do think privatisation can improve quality but not in education or healthcare.
2. I want state-guaranteed healthcare, largely state-funded education, and am okay with inequality only if there’s also perfect social mobility. I support cash transfers to the poor and heavy subsidies for essentials.
3. I want a neutral, non-privileging state on religion, reject legal enforcement of traditional gender/family roles, and support affirmative action, robust free speech with reasonable limits, strong protections for migrants, and full LGBTQ+ rights.
4. I believe traditions have some legitimate legal weight but only within a framework that’s otherwise very protective of individual rights.
5. I don’t want environmental rules to be relaxed to accommodate economic growth and I expect rich countries to do more. At the same time, I’m willing to prioritise better access to energy even if it means using more fossil fuels for now. I moderately support curbs on individual consumption. I reject carbon pricing as a tool of climate change mitigation.
6. I’m against harsh punishments and the death penalty. I think national security laws and pre-trial detention are overused. I’m very much in favour of protests and strongly opposed to internet or social-media shutdowns for the state to maintain ‘order’.
7. I’m somewhat open to expanded powers of surveillance. However, I want well-defined and well-articulated limits and strong civil rights. I’m wary of the state policing content.
8. I want courts and regulators to be able to block or reshape government decisions and prefer slow consensus over muscular leaders. I favour strict limits on how political parties can raise and use money, with complete and timely transparency. I want public media to be insulated from both state and corporate capture and support decentralisation to states or cities. I’m moderately confident that elections reflect the popular will.
9. I want international law and multilateral bodies to meaningfully constrain states. I favour heavy public investments in science and digital infrastructure and strong regulation of technology companies, especially on matters of user data and platform use.
10. I want intellectual property rights to be relaxed for medicines, green technologies, and basic knowledge goods.
All this said, I still fondly remember what a troll on Twitter once called me: “a Marxist in the garb of a science educator”.
Recently, when India’s prime minister’s office decided to feature the country’s new Chenab railway bridge in Jammu and Kashmir on its invitation cards for Independence Day 2025, I wrote in The Hindu about the political ideas embedded in the practice of (civil and mechanical) engineering, especially of the uncritical variety, i.e. one the country’s middle class has famously exercised for several decades now as a means of class mobility alone. In the process, however, right-wing ideologies have come to see in the profession a secular ideal exemplified by its exponents sticking to doing as they’re told.


